"This is the story of imperialist Britain who on arrival to the shores of West Africa ordained within their reach a pattern they deemed proper as a prescription to how the entire region should go about the business of democracy." "But before the advent of these colonists, this West African
region of varied ethnicities and cultures, had their own way of governing themselves, and it all went well as far as they were concerned."
Unfortunately, they (Nigeria, in particular) were conquered and were made to adopt the platform the conquerors brought along with them. "They came with coercion and theft." They explored the resources and taxed its production"
"And they taught us it was as easy as that." "Divide and conquer." "They stole our resources and we learned how to steal from ourselves, too." "They did it by all means." "And we learned that too." "These people self," why in "heavens" sake did they put us in this mess? "What kind of people are they?"
"Are we better of today?" "Being our own worst enemies?" But the fact of the matter is, after all these years, it is still frightening that we haven't learned a bit what these "people" did to us. "They taught us many bad things: From mass killing to looting of our own treasury; and from hate to tribalism." "But we did not realize how their gruesome acts were."
Is "motherland" not the most important term in the lexicon of nationalism anymore of which its best-known rendition was found in Greek culture? Doesn't "motherland" evoke both longing and commitment? If our nation as ordained by the colonist does not imply earthly rootedness, commitment to the land and loving one another, then why in "heavens" sake are we still
co-dwelling and together? Or would it be that we are of different "species" in one land perhaps united and put together by technology and myth?
The case of Nigeria as a nation was a matter of urgency: To get rid of Britain and feasibly to find the best way to govern ourselves. Exclusively, what these colonists taught us, seemingly knowing it was not healthy for our environment, was not considered by the founders to look for other options or remedy even if it had to be prolonged. Their indication presumably would be
"they had no choice."
The term "bribery and corruption" became a household name and pervasive at the very moment Nigeria was declared an independent nation by her masters. The "subordinates" who had us in this unending mess followed the footsteps of their masters. The founders, whatever their reasons were or might have been, neglected the consequences of what intentional avarice would cause to a nation. Henceforth, as Nigeria came into being, political maneuvering and gimmicks became the order of the day. "High tech-lynching" of political opponents due to distinct political affiliation divided the nation and led to what would be later coined as "tribalism."
At that time and before the first post-independence held elections with Samuel L. Akintola's defection leading to massive disintegration of the West's Action Group and the aftermath of the "Wild, Wild, West" syndrome, of which Awolowo and many of his followers had been convicted of treasonable felony after losing the elections on party's platform, the uproar and mayhem created in its entirety encouraged the "marching drums" of the military to overthrow the civilian government, on the grounds of political instability and widespread scandals of corruption.
Politics, as we were taught by the "colonists" made strange bed-fellows. Akintola, as the case was, wooed the North and found solace in political compromise with Ahmadu Bello and the Northern ruling elites. National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC) became divided as a result of many complicated issues in the South and the West. Among them: Nnamdi Azikiwe could not follow a recommended agenda to effect free education in the East.
Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe detached himself from "Zikism" and was expelled from NCNC. Michael I. Okpara formed an alliance--United Party Grand Alliance--with massive disintegration in the East and more defections and more followers who politically compromised with UPGA in order to effect
change in a nation deemed to collapse. Nevertheless, that notion of a one united nation was a caveat when earlier, before independence, Awolowo had warned and said: "...Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression..." That's my credo.
Was this not made clear by Awo as he saw it? So why are we still clamoring for a one Nigeria when we all know very well that it has never been so? If eventually Nigeria breaks up as it is increasingly becoming apparently so, then who at last prevails and who becomes the scapegoat? I felt more perturbed when I read Professor Omo Omoruyi's "Papers" repeatedly citing and asserting Nigeria's only way out from its present condition would be a forum of national conference by which the ethnicities are duely represented to find a solution.
Omoruyi's piece I read was nothing but a call for action: that a national conference or a forum of ethnic nationalities is of vital importance and inevitable if the nation is to survive. So if a Sovereign National Conference does not hold in the long run, then what happens? War?
But I did not hear or see Omoruyi comment on a similar kind of dialogue that failed in the past as a result of double-talk and the fear of a divided nation. Now, nobody cares for a divided nation in the event an "SNC" or a fora of ethnic nationalities holds even if it becomes chaotic at the end. Rather Omoruyi was concerned about Shagari's radio "briefings" in Hausa language with BBC, and why so, if it was a matter of national interest. Well, the North have their "game plan" and they want to come back as usual.
Now the disturbing question is, how come, all of a sudden and after over 30 years of misrule by these "Northern lootocrats," they are crying aloud Marginalization by the same person they groomed?
In the begining before the "quota system" was introduced, the North was behind in all aspects of life in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, the nation's first Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in a national debate on the floor of the House of Representatives in 1957, gave us a hint about the plight of the North and the years ahead in Nigeria:
"...Now, in the field of Western education the South is farther ahead of the North and let us admit that whatever efforts the North may make, it will take some years before we can hope to reach parity with the South in this field...I am happy to say that the North is now wide awake and I hope it will not be long before we overtake the South. However,...time is required for this and we hope that in the interest of us all and for the sake of Nigerian unity, the people of the South should exercise a little patience to give us time to catch up."
Without a doubt, Balewa was right in his predictions. He was, here, ultimately worried that the North was way "behind" in the nation's providence, academics and political culture. And he was right when he indicated the North, with time, would "overtake the South." Indeed, it wasn't long. In 1966, when he was murdered and the aftermath that followed his assassination, the North, from then on, would take full control of the affairs of state, and the South, henceforth, would be running helter-skelter. The North became the "powerhouse" of our political culture and the "Southern tide" would turn dramatically.
On the otherside of the coin, the tussle to overcome the predicament of their (the North) political fate, the South, having more resources as in academics and politics, including providence, did not seize the moment (regardless of what the colonists intentions were), to decide their own destiny, in determining their overall strength in effecting leadership, either by controlling the "center" or by telling the North "hoha" and "in their face" that they don't belong.
All along, it had been an open secret that the nation was disgustingly divided and the North, in particular, did not want to have any dealings with the South. But as independence layouts were being surmised, the South, full of distrust, politically rivaled, and intentionally wanted a divide with more deliberate acts of segregation; thus, the genesis of tribalism was encountered and made openly by Awolowo. He concluded: "It was clear from the general political and journalistic manever of Dr. Azikiwe over the years that his great objective was to set himself up as a dictator...and to make the Ibo nation the master race."
This particular line of attack was so successful that by the time Azikiwe, among the founders, the only patriot to national causes, contested elections in the West, even as the "exit polls" favored him, it was clearly indicated that he did not belong. He did not belong because he was of a different "specie," an Igbo, and a possible ailment to the West if his election should be validated. Tribalism, full-blown, and in its totality, came home to roost. Too, as the influence of tribalism began to gain momentum with Awo's principles of "charity begins at home," and more results effecting education and collectivism in the West alone, Azikiwe, on a counterculture, did not see the importance and necessity of establishing a similar venture in the East.
In general, Awo's program of free education in the West, was, after all good; and there is, after all, good reason to applaud and commend it, which, after all, still have great impact in Nigeria today; and it is, after all, a true embodiment of good and effective leadership. The West would be opportuned and favored by "affirmative action." It was equality for all on academic pursuits in the West, and it was the good work of Awoist movement.
Even though he (Awo) was a tribalist, I too, wholly agree that he was "the only leader Nigeria never had." His utopian experiments in the West was a good indication that the nation would have benefitted from his principles if he had been elected president. But we must recognize the flaws of the free education system in the West. It was ethnically based and had no national interest.
It introduced tribalism and nepotism to our nation at a time the nation was desperately in search of a true leader. The fact is, despite the one-sidedness of the free education system in the West and how it sectionalized the country, Awo left much to be desired and appreciated. Too,
the entire nation should have adopted it for its relevance and goodness.
And the taught. In fact, they taught us you can get away with anything in Nigeria: From looting of the nation's treasury to murder. Awo made sense when in Shehu Shagari's Second Republic, gave us hint that the nation's economy has nose-dived. His predictions were right. Never have I seen in broad daylight political animals who emptied a nation's treasury and at the
same time would claim the nation was vibrant and bouyant on the ground a Nigerian had not been found "pan-handling" or feed from a trash bin. This was the remark made openly by Umaru Dikko, the architect of Nigeria's political robbers in the Second Republic.
That act of recklessness and arrogance obviously tempted and prompted the military to come-in, once again. Dikko, who was Minister of Transport and top notch illegal oil bunkerer, made speeches so inflammatory the Muhammadu Buhari-Tunde Idiagbon led coup was justified. What has to be recognized is that, the condition of the Second Republic was so fragile, badly stained with bribery and corruption, which amounted to the marching drums and tanks of the military juntas. At this juncture, the economy had been bastardized and embezzled by the same "old school" political shenanigans who "reincarnated" in the Second Republic.
Buhari-Idiagbon's coup, somehow, was welcomed with a sigh of relief; thus, the inception of the Second Republic considered inept and corrupt. Then Brigadier Sani Abacha's fateful broadcast that toppled Shagari's government proclaiming Shagari's regime turned the country into a "poor and beggar nation" was followed by a press release indicating the politicians should report to the nearest military stations or posts for questioning. Many were arrested.
The looters and money launderers in the Second Republic--Dikko, Augustus Akinloye, Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji, Ali Baba, and uncountable others including many of Shagari's political juggernauts and rogues--were one of several reasons that demanded change. In the mean time, Idiagbon, the master planner of whose credit dismantled the Second Republic, for some reason, fell into a depression learning Dikko and Akinloye had escaped in the wake of the December 31, 1983 coup. Not only that Dikko and Akinloye flee, many other politicians fled, too, taking along with them their loots. Dikko, as then transport minister, was also the chairman of the infamous presidential task force on rice.
Dikko, in abject penury by the time General Olusegun Obasanjo lifted the ban on political activities in 1978, ballooned in affluence as one of the nation's richest men when the Second Republic collapsed.
Akinloye, Chaiman, National Party of Nigeria (NPN), was alleged to have created a scheme and collaborated in embezzling billions of dollars from series of inflated contracts and kickbacks. The growing pain of these fiascos is, while millions of Nigerians are at home, starving, suffering and praying day-by-day to make ends meet, the children of these naturally-born
criminals are in the West throwing big-time parties and morally outraged at the expense of the "tax payers" and its "resources."
Meanwhile Dikko wasn't finished yet. He had threatened to reinstate Shagari's government by "doing anything within my reach" to bring it about. He called for a "Holy War" (Islamic Jihad).
His "growing lips" almost brought him back to Nigeria dead or alive. In early 1984, the
Buhari-Idiagbon regime hired a surveillance team to keep close eyes on him (Dikko) at his posh London neigborhood. From the trend of events and by the pledge of Buhari-Idiagbon's government to follow the footsteps of Murtala Muhammed in fighting corruption and correct past mistakes, the surveillance team abducted Dikko in a careless and flawed operation. London's Metroplolitan Police was immediately alerted by Dikko's personal secretary and house aide who witnessed the kidnap. The reaction in London was swift and vehement. British authorities organized a network of checks. Dikko, crated as a diplomatic luggage, and with luck again on his side, was intercepted by Scotland Yard from being flown to Lagos.
Buhari's era would be cut short, suddenly. In August 1985, another coup toppled Buhari's government leading to inexplicable events. One thing to bear in mind, in this instance, was that both military regimes were diverse in sentiments. Still, Babangida had sensed that he would be next victim of Idiagbon's sole signatory decree that singled out the free press, the "homosexuals" and drug traffickers. That assumption held water when Bartholomew Owoh and two others were publicly executed at Kirikiri Maximum Prison for drug trafficking. And, for sure, they were victims of a draconian law that went into effect "retroactively."
In March 1985, a long standing duel between Idiagbon and Babangida led to a bloodless coup by the latter. Babangida, as rumored, was shocked and alerted of Idiagbon's masterminded efforts to "nail" all drug dealers including the "evil genius" himself who allegedly was the king of the drug cartel's criminal mafia. In August 1985, while Idiagbon and Moshood Abiola headed the
yearly routine pilgimage to Mecca, Babangida toppled Buhari's government asserting the former regime was too draconian.
Seemingly, Babangida was right. He immediately repealed the death penalty and brought back confidence to panicking Nigerians. But the "evil genius" as he called himself would be something else. When in December 1985, rumors echoed around military and civilian circles that Major-General Mamman Vatsa had been framed and executed for plotting a coup, Nigerians did not take it serious. The sugar-coated mouth and toothy smiling face general laughed over it, and as usual, Nigerians being who they are, looked dumb and stupid.
One of the curiosities of Babangida and his troubles as we see it today is, it is so complex and disturbing in that, if he indeed goes scot-free, of which he would, the Nigeria state would never, ever, see peace and justice again. Where could one start from on Babangida and his atrocities?
Newswatch founding member, Dele Giwa, in an excellent series of comprehensive, incisive and insightful articles published in various issues of Newswatch, matters pertaining to Babangida and his drug smuggling ring.
Could it be that Giwa went too far in his investigative journalistic work? Maybe so, and only Babangida can tell. In October 1986, Giwa was "sophisticated" murdered in his Ikeja home. In 1990, Major Gideon Orka and his colleagues of "coupists" were rounded up for an apparent coup plot and summarily executed. In the wake of Orka's coup, Abacha resurfaced and put forward his dislike for coup plots. He said "avarice" was the motive behind the coup plotters. He assured the nation "positively" saying: "We are set to hand over to a democratically elected government in 1992." Whoever knew what this evil had in mind and who could have thought the nation would be dead in a couple of years?
The mistakes of Orka's coup was the haste in announcing a break up of the country. Other than that, the coup was far overdue and welcomed. When Babangida bounced back from Orka's foiled coup, he propelled himself to destroy Nigeria economically and morally. Scandals from all aspects of life became the order of the day. The year was 1991, and local and worldwide reports acknowledged that Babangida and some members of his cabinet had turned Lagos into a global transit for cocaine and heroine trafficking. It led to a national outrage, earnestly calling for his resignation. He began his wizard dribbling tactics that earned him the nickname "Maradona." He
dribbled everybody including his buddies, David Mark, John Shagaya, Abiola and Joshua Dongoyaro.
It was in this era that the advance fee and "chain-lettered" scheme "419" was coined. To some Nigerians, Babangida's tenure was the opening of opportunuties. Banking irregularities, money
laundering, and all sorts of illegal dubious schemes became acceptable and a way of life.
Intellectuals, professionals, scholars, laymen, and ordinary Nigerians joined aboard to the fast-paced money making opportunities.
Again, the "evil genius" played on his friend, Abiola. He declared the election which he handpicked his cronies--Tofa and Abiola--as presidential candidates, null and void. As the infamous "June 12" was annuled, Nigerians who anticipated a return to law and order panicked, while the ones who opposed and were skeptical of an Abiola presidency, rejoiced. Elected candidates (the governors, the senators, the representatives, the locals and the municipals) and political consultants on various political affiliations spent much of the later part of the cancelled election shruggling their shoulders over what has become of Babangida and his northern military oligarchies.
The "June 12" had its demerits and repercussions. Abiola had used ethnic slurs and insinuated he did not really need Igbo votes to become the nation's president. And it makes me sick and tired when "June 12" is being held to high esteem. Was Abiola the savior? Was Abiola the right choice to lead a confused and troubled nation at that time of its craved good governace? And why would Abiola be hailed as a hero? Wouldn't Abiola had embezzled more money if June 12 had been recognized? Wasn't Abiola the "mother of all coups"? Didn't Abiola encourage and call in the military to topple the Second Republic because he was openly kicked out by NPN? Did Abiola ever tell the nation how many contracts he inflated and how he duped the nation?
Here was a man, corrupt, immoral and full of bigotry, yet we hailed him, always do, and proclaimed him a matyr. "I don't get it."
On what ground is Abiola a matyr? That after the "June 12" brouhaha, he fled instead of resisting his own kin, Ernest Shonekan, from collaborating with the military? That he abandoned his followers only to come back later to be slammed by the same people he dined and wined with in the military? That on August 6, 1993, when he met with Black Congressional Caucus in Washington
D.C., seeking help to return democracy in Nigeria, he could not answer simple questions posed to him and could not explain his economic plans in the event his presidency is effected? That he was an opportunist who stole from the people and used it against them? "I" still "don't get it."
A civilized and organized society does not work that way. We must remember it has been over forty years since we've been creeping on corruption and now to a point where the "intellectuals" and "professors" can no longer define bribery and corruption, or say with certainty who is honest and who is not; or tell the simple truth when an offense has been committed, or when something had gone wrong. This was the case of Abiola endorsed overwhelmingly as president elect. How many years may it take for us to be sincere with ourselves? And how many years may it take us to know that our nation, as is, "is full of it?" And how long are we going to stay that way?
Omoruyi, in his "Papers" and analysis of "June 12," refused to acknowledge Abiola was the nation's biggest crook, a factor in any sound democratic set up, good enough to disqualify and deny him a public office. Applauding and recommending criminals to lead is one of several reasons the nation is in such a big mess today.
The one thing about Abacha and the flaws of the "June 12" organizers was that they saw it coming and did not prepare themselves. Wasn't the Interim National Government (ING) and the figure head Shonekan a clear indication "June 12" was history? And how come nobody knew or saw it? And why would after the "June 12" drama, Ebenezer Babatope, a Marxist socialist and respected "Awoist," Lateef Jakande, another "Awoist" and the rest would make an about-face and woo Abacha?
Interestingly, now that it is all over with Abacha's death, they are writing books claiming they sought later to create the impression they would have suffered from Abacha's cruelty had it not been for their own ingenuity. Only in Nigeria.
If the organizers of "June 12" and the champions of democracy had first called Shonekan to order and resisted his compromise with the military, no question, and even though it may have resulted to some casualties, the military may have learned some lessons that, power, under normal
circumstances and as in civilized societies, belongs to the people.
With all the noise made about "June 12," there were still casualties and Abiola died, anyway. So what sense did it make in the long run? A people in flight, a staggering "loss of lives," and a total collapse of the economy?
Without question, Abacha was an evil. But who made him an evil and how come nobody found out until he produced such horrors that frightened and brought the nation down on her knees? I really cannot answer this question as I believe Obasanjo and his "coat-tail" generals in the world's most inept and corrupt military should know better. The fact here is, the scariness of enlisting more Igbos--who were better and more qualified--in the military after the civil war and the thought that such measures would checkmate and prevent further calamities as in the case of January 15, 1966, created a big loophole and vulnereable army, mounting to what would lead to a purge in the military.
First of these casualties in the post civil war era began in the Middle Belt, the so-called "heavyweights" of the Nigeria military. Buka Sumka Dimka, a middle-belter, whose efforts in maintaining the status quo had been frustrated by his kins in properly shielding him from execution, confessed and implicated many of the political juggernauts and "heavyweights" in a
drama that stunned the nation. Major-General I.D. Bisalla who thought the Nigerian military was a personal tool of the Middle Belt, would be implicated and executed while Yakubu Gowon would be indicted in absentia, and the swift weeding of the middle-belters from the military would commence.
Once more, the traitor and blood thirsty Theophilus Danjuma would be saved from "extinction" by the last bell. Only he (Danjuma) knows who he is. From J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi to Dimka's Confession" and the demolition of Odi, he is still "standing tall," "still kicking," unscathed and without charge. And too, only Babangida knows who he is, and only him knows what happened to Vatsa, Giwa and scores of military officers who vanished without explanation from the barracks, and he too, cannot be charged. What a nation!
Wole Soyinka recalling Ken Saro-Wiwa's last words and oft-quoting him wrote in anguish, asking: "What sort of nation is this?" I too asks the same question, "what sort of nation is this?" Is it a nation in denial? Or is it a nation that had been conquered by her own people? We have blamed the nation's growing problems to the ordinance of 1914 and the so-called "Richards Constitution." Unfortunately, when we found out we were entirely different people only to be assembled by Britain, and when the debates and constitutional conferences toward independence was begun by our founding fathers, nothing was done about it. We allowed the mistakes to continue
leading to unaccountable events and total disaster.
Regarding a Sovereign National Conference, I was disappointed when Omoruyi cited Chief Emeka Anyaoku, Professor Adebayo Adedeji, Chief Ola Vincent and Alhaji Babatunde Jose as "eminent Nigerians" who in their own minds and right thinking, believed SNC is the best "medicine" for Nigeria. Omoruyi refused to point out that these "eminent Nigerians" he mentioned and applauded for championing a cause have done nothing for the underprivileged and the "loners" on the street whose life had been hopeless since day one.
Moreover, these "eminent Nigerians" were speaking for themselves. It was their own personal opinion and it was as simple as that. On Anyaoku, he has been a "lip service" servile whose impact (I am speaking from a personal view and Igbo standpoint) was patently "far-fetched." As Secretary-General of the Commonwealth and Secretary to the United Nation Economic Commission
for Africa, what would one really say he did or accomplished? Practically, nothing. I would take the words of Zaire born philantropist, activist, and NBA great Dikembe Mutombo, to these "do nothing" "eminent Nigerians."
On the other hand, no one has stopped these "sovereign nationalist" from holding a conference. But the imaginations and what we encountered in the past should not be overlooked. A thorough examination is required here and the pussy-footers, myself included, who have denounced these calls know vividly what they are talking about. I have said this over and over again, and I am already worn out pointing out the complications and uncertainties that may disrupt this "good plan."
We all know the call for a national conference became a big deal as a result of army misrule and we must blame ourselves for that. When Muhammed came in to cure the ills and correct past mistakes of the nation as he claimed; and when he began to disorganize the middle class, putting them into "immediate effect" retirement and expulsion, and justified his cause for action; and if
the "civil structures" had declined to his administrative appointments, and if the people had stood up, firmly, against his usurpation of power with mass strikes in all aspects of life, what we are saying now or encountering would have been, entirely, a different story. But what is strange in these cases is that the entire people and their civil leaders were as corrupt and
greedy as the military juntas. Be that as it may, we Nigerians and we who are not honest know we are not telling the truth. So where are we now? We are back to Obasanjo who said: "...The issue is that if you commit a crime, you must be brought to book..." "Look who is talking."
Though it is true Nigeria contains a multiplicity of ethnic groups with little in common, and religiously far different too; and foolishly ordained as one "body and soul" by her masters; and with the realization it was so, seeing it with our "korokoro" eyes, and welcoming the military to set the worst possible examples, how come we allowed that to go on after all had been lost? It's because we lacked oneness as a people.
Again, "what sort of nation is this?" If history is any indication, our destiny of a one united nation is definitely a lost cause. Soon, we will be approaching 2003 which as usual would be bound to be the same. It is bound to lack tact. It is bound to engage in all sorts of games. It is then that we would assemble ourselves again and weep for being robbed. If we are serious about effecting leadership and putting it in the right hands, we must not allow the mistakes of the past repeat itself, come 2003.
In 1998, Bob Dylan warned, "It's not dark yet, but it's getting there." I believed him.
I do not know how sincere our founders were and what they had in mind when the nation was conceived knowing the aftermath of unanimity to independence would be sickening and retarded. They never worried that the apathy would be unhealthy and politics would be nasty. It was in this sense the voting patterns emerged--partisan politics-vote your tribe and not your conscience.
The year 2003 is around the corner and I believe we must now "make hay while the sun shines." If we are sincere with ourselves and work together, "SNC" would be "a piece of cake."
References:
- S.A. Akintoye. Emergent African States. London: Longman Group Ltd., 1976
- Muyiwa Adekeye. "CBN's Pen Robbers." The News 28 June 1999, Vol. 12 No. 25
(pp16-17).
- E. Liagin. "Obasanjo's U.S. Connection." The News 19 April, 1999, Vol. 12
No.15
- Ayodele Ojo. "A Corrupt People" The News 19 April 1999, Vol. 12 No. 15
(p35).
- Obafemi Awolowo "Path to Nigeria Freedom." The Political Awakening of Africa. Rupert Emerson and Martin Kilson ed. Westport: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1965.
- S.l. Akintola and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. "Nigeria Debates Self Government." The Political Awakening of Africa. Rupert Emerson and Martin Kilson ed. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1965.
- Nnamdi Azikiwe. "Political Blueprint of Nigeria." The Political Awakening of Africa. Rupert Emerson and Martin Kilson ed. Westport: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1965.
- Robert I. Rotberg. A Political History of Tropical Africa. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World Inc., 1965.
- Dare Babarinsa. "A Looter Continua." Tell. June 7, 1999, N0. 23.
- Tell. November 8, 1999, N0. 45 (pp12-16) President Obasanjo's interview conducted by Nosa Igiebor, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, et.al
- Prof. Omo Omoruyi. Excerpts from "The Tale of 'June 12'"
- Jossy Nkwocha. "His Greatest Challenge." Newswatch June 7, 1999, Vol 29, No. 22 (pp25-26).
- Kenneth Onwuka Dike. "The Development of European-West African Relations and the Partition of West Africa." The Scramble For Africa. Raymond F. Betts ed. San Francisco: D.C. Heath & Company, 1966.
- Joseph Igbokwe. Heroes of Democracy. Nigeria: Clear Vision Publishers Ltd., 2000.
- Victor A. Olorunsola. Soldiers and Power. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1977.
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